If George Bush's presidency has not convinced us America is a foreign country, last week's Democrat convention at Boston left no room for doubts. Democrats may be first ideological cousins to New Labour, but their presidential candidate, John Kerry, opened his acceptance speech with a military metaphor that could never be used by a European counterpart: 'I'm John Kerry and I'm reporting for duty'.
Republicans insist that Democratic values - pre-eminence of science, affirmative action and instinctive multilateralism - are anti-American and anti-patriotic, but the central taunt is that Democrats are soft on defence and security. Kerry's metaphor - from a stage filled with veterans from Vietnam - was well chosen.
The US has hardened into two virulently opposed ideological and cultural camps that are almost equal in numbers. On the two seaboards, around the Great Lakes, in the north east and some cities of the south, the Democrats have their base: mildly progressive, multilateralist, tolerant and fair-minded. In the south, the Rocky Mountains and the plains lie the Republican base: religious fundamentalists, fervent believers in America's unilateralist destiny and culturally conservative. This is 50:50 America. The election, expected to be close, will be decided in some dozen states, with foreign policy set to be a decisive factor. Kerry will argue that his multilateralism will pay greater dividends for America than Bush's unilateralism.
Kerry insists he will be a different President. Under him the US would achieve its foreign policy ambitions through leadership of the international alliance system, accepting the compromises that that implies. Kerry would restore the treaty system covering the spread and testing of nuclear and chemical weapon systems, that Bush has jettisoned. He would cooperate in relieving Third World debt; he would be sympathetic to the Kyoto accords. He would not prevent sex education and the use of condoms in the campaign to fight Aids. He would back science and stem cell research. He would encourage alternative energy technologies.
Less welcome would be his protectionism on trade issues. Europe should be prepared to challenge him on this, not least in the interests of the poorest countries.
But the risks of another Bush term are far greater. Kerry immeasurably improves our chances of defeating terrorism and making the world safer. In a bitter fight in a divided America, reassurance that Kerry has the support of the rest of the world could be a decisive factor in key swing states. We must offer that signal.
The Guardian UK.
Republicans insist that Democratic values - pre-eminence of science, affirmative action and instinctive multilateralism - are anti-American and anti-patriotic, but the central taunt is that Democrats are soft on defence and security. Kerry's metaphor - from a stage filled with veterans from Vietnam - was well chosen.
The US has hardened into two virulently opposed ideological and cultural camps that are almost equal in numbers. On the two seaboards, around the Great Lakes, in the north east and some cities of the south, the Democrats have their base: mildly progressive, multilateralist, tolerant and fair-minded. In the south, the Rocky Mountains and the plains lie the Republican base: religious fundamentalists, fervent believers in America's unilateralist destiny and culturally conservative. This is 50:50 America. The election, expected to be close, will be decided in some dozen states, with foreign policy set to be a decisive factor. Kerry will argue that his multilateralism will pay greater dividends for America than Bush's unilateralism.
Kerry insists he will be a different President. Under him the US would achieve its foreign policy ambitions through leadership of the international alliance system, accepting the compromises that that implies. Kerry would restore the treaty system covering the spread and testing of nuclear and chemical weapon systems, that Bush has jettisoned. He would cooperate in relieving Third World debt; he would be sympathetic to the Kyoto accords. He would not prevent sex education and the use of condoms in the campaign to fight Aids. He would back science and stem cell research. He would encourage alternative energy technologies.
Less welcome would be his protectionism on trade issues. Europe should be prepared to challenge him on this, not least in the interests of the poorest countries.
But the risks of another Bush term are far greater. Kerry immeasurably improves our chances of defeating terrorism and making the world safer. In a bitter fight in a divided America, reassurance that Kerry has the support of the rest of the world could be a decisive factor in key swing states. We must offer that signal.
The Guardian UK.
